TY - JOUR
T1 - Describing phonological paraphasias in three variants of primary progressive aphasia
AU - Dalton, Sarah Grace Hudspeth
AU - Shultz, Christine
AU - Henry, Maya L.
AU - Hillis, Argye E.
AU - Richardsona, Jessica D.
N1 - Funding Information:
The data collection for this research was supported in part by National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders Grants R01 DC011317, awarded to Argye E. Hillis, and R03 DC013403, awarded to Maya L. Henry. We are also grateful for access to data made available through National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders Grant K24 DC015544 and National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke Grant R01 NS050915, both awarded to Maria Luisa Gorno-Tempini, and National Institute on Aging Grant P01 AG019724, awarded to Bruce Miller, at the University of California, San Francisco. Finally, we express gratitude to the individuals with PPA who are willing to share with us their stories.
Publisher Copyright:
© 2018 American Speech-Language-Hearing Association.
PY - 2018/3
Y1 - 2018/3
N2 - Purpose: The purpose of this study was to describe the linguistic environment of phonological paraphasias in 3 variants of primary progressive aphasia (semantic, logopenic, and nonfluent) and to describe the profiles of paraphasia production for each of these variants. Method: Discourse samples of 26 individuals diagnosed with primary progressive aphasia were investigated for phonological paraphasias using the criteria established for the Philadelphia Naming Test (Moss Rehabilitation Research Institute, 2013). Phonological paraphasias were coded for paraphasia type, part of speech of the target word, target word frequency, type of segment in error, word position of consonant errors, type of error, and degree of change in consonant errors. Results: Eighteen individuals across the 3 variants produced phonological paraphasias. Most paraphasias were nonword, followed by formal, and then mixed, with errors primarily occurring on nouns and verbs, with relatively few on function words. Most errors were substitutions, followed by addition and deletion errors, and few sequencing errors. Errors were evenly distributed across vowels, consonant singletons, and clusters, with more errors occurring in initial and medial positions of words than in the final position of words. Most consonant errors consisted of only a single-feature change, with few 2- or 3-feature changes. Importantly, paraphasia productions by variant differed from these aggregate results, with unique production patterns for each variant. Conclusions: These results suggest that a system where paraphasias are coded as present versus absent may be insufficient to adequately distinguish between the 3 subtypes of PPA. The 3 variants demonstrate patterns that may be used to improve phenotyping and diagnostic sensitivity. These results should be integrated with recent findings on phonological processing and speech rate. Future research should attempt to replicate these results in a larger sample of participants with longer speech samples and varied elicitation tasks.
AB - Purpose: The purpose of this study was to describe the linguistic environment of phonological paraphasias in 3 variants of primary progressive aphasia (semantic, logopenic, and nonfluent) and to describe the profiles of paraphasia production for each of these variants. Method: Discourse samples of 26 individuals diagnosed with primary progressive aphasia were investigated for phonological paraphasias using the criteria established for the Philadelphia Naming Test (Moss Rehabilitation Research Institute, 2013). Phonological paraphasias were coded for paraphasia type, part of speech of the target word, target word frequency, type of segment in error, word position of consonant errors, type of error, and degree of change in consonant errors. Results: Eighteen individuals across the 3 variants produced phonological paraphasias. Most paraphasias were nonword, followed by formal, and then mixed, with errors primarily occurring on nouns and verbs, with relatively few on function words. Most errors were substitutions, followed by addition and deletion errors, and few sequencing errors. Errors were evenly distributed across vowels, consonant singletons, and clusters, with more errors occurring in initial and medial positions of words than in the final position of words. Most consonant errors consisted of only a single-feature change, with few 2- or 3-feature changes. Importantly, paraphasia productions by variant differed from these aggregate results, with unique production patterns for each variant. Conclusions: These results suggest that a system where paraphasias are coded as present versus absent may be insufficient to adequately distinguish between the 3 subtypes of PPA. The 3 variants demonstrate patterns that may be used to improve phenotyping and diagnostic sensitivity. These results should be integrated with recent findings on phonological processing and speech rate. Future research should attempt to replicate these results in a larger sample of participants with longer speech samples and varied elicitation tasks.
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U2 - 10.1044/2017_AJSLP-16-0210
DO - 10.1044/2017_AJSLP-16-0210
M3 - Article
C2 - 29497748
AN - SCOPUS:85042720366
SN - 1058-0360
VL - 27
SP - 336
EP - 349
JO - American journal of speech-language pathology
JF - American journal of speech-language pathology
IS - 1S
ER -